Far-right politics in Serbia

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Far-right politics in Serbia
Principles Serbian nationalism Ultranationalism Christian right Conservatism Anti-Croat sentiment Neo-fascism Neo-Nazism White supremacy Antisemitism Islamophobia Right-wing populism Welfare chauvinism Economic nationalism Protectionism Anti-communism Anti-immigration Anti-West Euroscepticism Russophilia
People Bihali Davidović Knežević Krstić Nogo Obradović (Boško) Obradović (Mladen) Ražnatović Stojković Vacić Đurđević Stamenkovski Šešelj
Parties Dveri Party of Serbian Unity Serbian Party Oathkeepers Serbian Radical Party Serbian Right Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement
Coalitions For National Unity National Gathering Sovereignists
Organisations Blood & Honour Combat 18 I live for Serbia Levijatan Nacionalni stroj National Serb Front Nomokanon Obraz People's Patrol Rasonalisti SNP 1389 SNP Naši Serbian Action Serbian Honour Sveti Justin Filozof
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Far-right politics in Serbia^[a] emerged shortly before the break-up of Yugoslavia and have been present ever since. Its manifestation mostly relies on national and religious factors.

In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, far-right politicians and groups existed but did not receive much support. Milan Stojadinović, the prime minister of Yugoslavia from 1935 until 1939, saw fascism as an ideological role model for his premiership, while Milan Nedić, who was appointed prime minister of the puppet government in 1941, was a supporter of fascist ideas. Dimitrije Ljotić headed Zbor, a minor party that was inspired by Italian fascism. Ljotić cooperated with Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović, who is viewed as an antisemite and a promoter of anti-Western sentiment. The Chetniks under Draža Mihailović, who collaborated with the Axis powers as early as 1941, remained an inspiration for modern far-right groups.

During the break-up of Yugoslavia, the far-right re-emerged, with the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), led by Vojislav Šešelj, gaining support after using sanctions, increased inflation, and a high unemployment rate to their advantage to boost their support. The SRS cooperated with Slobodan Milošević during the 1990s, although it also briefly served in opposition. During the Yugoslav Wars, far-right groups committed violence and acted as paramilitaries, such as the SRS-led White Eagles. After the overthrow of Milošević in 2000, attacks orchestrated by the far-right rose. In parliamentary politics, the SRS won the most votes in the 2003 and 2007 elections, though campaigning on an anti-corruption platform. The 2010 Belgrade anti-gay riot was organised by the far-right, including groups such as Obraz. The Constitutional Court later concluded a ban on Nacionalni stroj and Obraz in 2011 and 2012, respectively. The far-right embraced opposition to immigration in the late 2010s, with parties and organisations such as Dveri, Serbian Party Oathkeepers, Levijatan, and People's Patrol embracing the sentiment. The Russian invasion of Ukraine helped the far-right cross the electoral threshold in the 2022 parliamentary election, though, in the 2023 election, they lost representation.

In Serbia, the Christian right and neo-Nazi variants of the far-right exist. Far-right groups tend to be antisemitic and Islamophobic, and they promote conspiracy theories. They also promote anti-communism, militarism, and religious fanaticism. Some also have ties with the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC). The far-right often glorifies convicted war criminals like Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić, while some groups also called for the rehabilitation of collaborationists Nedić and Ljotić. The far-right has orchestrated violent protests and attacks against ethnic minorities, the LGBT community, activists, and non-governmental organisations whom they label as "foreign mercenaries". The far-right promotes anti-Westernism, Euroscepticism, closer ties with Russia, and the return of Kosovo's sovereignty to Serbia. The unemployed working-class youth is often recruited by far-right groups; the far-right tends to present themselves as "patriotic" groups or as humanitarian organisations. Far-right groups are often small in number and have been institutionally marginal, though on the Internet, far-right content has received large amounts of following.

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