Saddamism

Arab Socialist Revolutionary Ba'ath Party	1960–1962/63
Socialist Lebanon	1965–1970
Arab Revolutionary Workers Party	1966–present
Democratic Socialist Arab Ba'ath Party	1970–present
Sudanese Ba'ath Party	2002–present

Algeria	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;
Bahrain	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;
Egypt	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;
Iraq	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;
Jordan	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;
Kuwait	pro-Iraq;
Lebanon	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;
Libya	pro-Iraq;
Mauritania	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;
Palestine	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;
Sudan	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;
Syria	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;
Tunisia	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;
Yemen	pro-Iraq; pro-Syria;

Arab Ba'ath	1940–1947
Arab Ba'ath Movement	1940–1947
Ba'ath Party	1947–1966
Baath Party (pro-Iraqi)	1968–2003
Baath Party (pro-Syrian)	1966–present

Saddamism (Arabic: صدامية, romanized: Ṣaddāmiyah), also known as Saddamist Ba'athism (Arabic: البعثية الصدامية, romanized: al-Baʿthīyah as-Ṣaddāmiyah),^[1] is a Ba'athist political ideology based on the political ideas and thinking of Saddam Hussein, who served as the President of Iraq from 1979 to 2003.^[2]^[3] It espouses Arab nationalism, Arab socialism and Pan-Arabism, as well as an Iraq-centred Arab world that calls upon Arab countries to adopt Saddamist political discourse and reject "the Nasserist discourse" that it claims collapsed following the Six-Day War in 1967.^[2] It is militarist and views political disputes and conflict in a military manner as "battles" requiring "fighting", "mobilization", "battlefields", "bastions", and "trenches".^[3] Saddamism was officially supported by Saddam Hussein's government and promoted by the Iraqi daily newspaper Babil owned by Saddam's son Uday Hussein.^[2]

Saddamism has often been described as an authoritarian and totalitarian ideology that aimed to control all aspects of Iraqi life, and has been accused by critics of incorporating "Sunni Arab nationalism, confused Stalinism, and fascist zeal for the fatherland and its leader", as well as enabling Saddam to generate a cult of personality revolving around him.^[4] However, the applicability of these labels has been contested.^[5]

^ al-Marashi, Ibrahim (2008). Iraq's Armed Forces: an Analytical History (Paperback). Oxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge. p. 108. ISBN 9780415400787.
^ ^a ^b ^c Bengio, Ofra (1998). Saddam's Word: Political discourse in Iraq (Paperback). Oxford, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Oxford University Press. p. 208. ISBN 9780195114393.
^ ^a ^b Niblock, Tim (1982). Iraq, the contemporary state (Paperback). London, England, UK: Croom Helm, Ltd. p. 62-71. ISBN 9780709918103.
^ MacDonald, Michael (October 2014). Overreach: Delusions of Regime Change in Iraq. Harvard University Press. pp. 213–215. ISBN 978-0-674-72910-0.
^ Sassoon, Joseph (February 2017). "Aaron M. Faust, The Ba'thification of Iraq: Saddam Hussein's Totalitarianism [Book Review]". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 49 (1). Cambridge University Press: 205–206. doi:10.1017/S0020743816001392. S2CID 164804585. First, Faust totally ignores the economy in his analysis. This oversight is remarkable given his attempt to trace how the regime became totalitarian, which, by definition, encompasses all facets of life. ... Second, the comparison with Stalin or Hitler is weak when one takes into consideration how many Iraqis were allowed to leave the country. Although citizens needed to undergo a convoluted and bureaucratic procedure to obtain the necessary papers to leave the country, the fact remains that more than one million Iraqis migrated from Iraq from the end of the Iran–Iraq War in 1988 until the US-led invasion in 2003. Third, religion under Stalin did not function in the same manner as it did in Iraq, and while Faust details how the Shia were not allowed to engage in some of their ceremonies, the average Iraqi was allowed to pray at home and in a mosque. ... it is correct that the security services kept a watch on religious establishments and mosques, but the Iraqi approach is somewhat different from that pursued by Stalin's totalitarianism.

[almarashi-1] -Marashi, Ibrahim (2008). Iraq's Armed Forces: an Analytical History (Paperback). Oxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge. p. 108. ISBN 9780415400787.

[ofrabengio-2] Bengio, Ofra (1998). Saddam's Word: Political discourse in Iraq (Paperback). Oxford, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Oxford University Press. p. 208. ISBN 9780195114393.

[:0-3] Niblock, Tim (1982). Iraq, the contemporary state (Paperback). London, England, UK: Croom Helm, Ltd. p. 62-71. ISBN 9780709918103.

[:1-4] MacDonald, Michael (October 2014). Overreach: Delusions of Regime Change in Iraq. Harvard University Press. pp. 213–215. ISBN 978-0-674-72910-0.

[Sassoon_20172-5] Sassoon, Joseph (February 2017). "Aaron M. Faust, The Ba'thification of Iraq: Saddam Hussein's Totalitarianism [Book Review]". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 49 (1). Cambridge University Press: 205–206. doi:10.1017/S0020743816001392. S2CID 164804585. First, Faust totally ignores the economy in his analysis. This oversight is remarkable given his attempt to trace how the regime became totalitarian, which, by definition, encompasses all facets of life. ... Second, the comparison with Stalin or Hitler is weak when one takes into consideration how many Iraqis were allowed to leave the country. Although citizens needed to undergo a convoluted and bureaucratic procedure to obtain the necessary papers to leave the country, the fact remains that more than one million Iraqis migrated from Iraq from the end of the Iran–Iraq War in 1988 until the US-led invasion in 2003. Third, religion under Stalin did not function in the same manner as it did in Iraq, and while Faust details how the Shia were not allowed to engage in some of their ceremonies, the average Iraqi was allowed to pray at home and in a mosque. ... it is correct that the security services kept a watch on religious establishments and mosques, but the Iraqi approach is somewhat different from that pursued by Stalin's totalitarianism.

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