African-American Vernacular English

African-American Vernacular English
Black Vernacular English
RegionUnited States
EthnicityAfrican Americans
Early forms
Latin (English alphabet)
American Braille
Language codes
ISO 639-3
Glottologafri1276
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African-American Vernacular English[a] (AAVE) is the variety of English natively spoken, particularly in urban communities, by most working- and middle-class African Americans and some Black Canadians.[2] Having its own unique grammatical, vocabulary, and accent features, AAVE is employed by middle-class Black Americans as the more informal and casual end of a sociolinguistic continuum. However, in formal speaking contexts, speakers tend to switch to more standard English grammar and vocabulary, usually while retaining elements of the non-standard accent.[3][4] AAVE is widespread throughout the United States, but is not the native dialect of all African Americans, nor are all of its speakers African American.[5][6][7]

As with most English varieties spoken by African Americans, African-American Vernacular English shares a large portion of its grammar and phonology with the rural dialects of the Southern United States,[8] and especially older Southern American English,[9] due to the historical enslavement of African Americans primarily in that region.

Mainstream linguists maintain that the parallels between AAVE, West African languages, and English-based creole languages are existent but minor,[10][11][12][13] with African-American Vernacular English genealogically tracing back to diverse non-standard dialects of English[14][15] as spoken by the English-speaking settlers in the Southern Colonies and, later, Southern United States.[16] However, a minority of linguists argue that the vernacular shares so many characteristics with African creole languages spoken around the world that it could have originated as its own English-based creole or semi-creole language, distinct from the English language, before undergoing a process of decreolization.[17][18][19]

  1. ^ For the reasons that linguists avoid using the term Ebonics, see for example Green (2002:7–8).
  2. ^ Edwards (2004), p. 383.
  3. ^ Rickford (2015), pp. 302, 310.
  4. ^ Spears (2015).
  5. ^ Wheeler (1999), p. 55.
  6. ^ "Do you speak American?: African American English". PBS.
  7. ^ Benor, Sarah Bunin (April 19, 2010). "Ethnolinguistic repertoire: Shifting the analytic focus in language and ethnicity". Journal of Sociolinguistics. 14 (2): 159–183. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9841.2010.00440.x.
  8. ^ McWhorter (2001), p. 179.
  9. ^ Thomas (2006), pp. 16, 19–20.
  10. ^ Wardhaugh (2002), p. 341.
  11. ^ Poplack (2000), p. ?.
  12. ^ Poplack & Tagliamonte (2001), p. ?.
  13. ^ See Howe & Walker (2000) for more information
  14. ^ The Oakland school board's resolution "was about a perfectly ordinary variety of English spoken by a large and diverse population of Americans of African descent. . . . [E]ssentially all linguists agree that what the Oakland board was dealing with is a dialect of English."Pullum (1997)
  15. ^ McWhorter (2001), pp. 162, 185.
  16. ^ McWhorter (2001), pp. 162, 182.
  17. ^ Mufwene (2001:29) and Bailey (2001:55), both citing Stewart (1964), Stewart (1969), Dillard (1972), and Rickford (1997a).
  18. ^ Smith & Crozier (1998), pp. 113–114.
  19. ^ Those in favor of the "creole hypothesis" of African-American Vernacular English include creolists William Stewart, John Dillard and John Rickford.


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